Sunday, July 27, 2014
thesunatmidnight2:

Was there secret battle between Walt and Warner Bros, to come out with most offensive cartoons? 

thesunatmidnight2:

Was there secret battle between Walt and Warner Bros, to come out with most offensive cartoons? 

wasbella102:

Gerd Winner:  Clink Wharf 
1971

wasbella102:

Gerd Winner:  Clink Wharf

1971

According to the dominant discourse of “white privilege” for example, white supremacy is primarily a psychological attitude which individuals can simply choose to renounce instead of an entrenched material infrastructure which reproduces race at key sites across society – from racially segmented labor markets to the militarization of the border. Whiteness simply becomes one more “culture,” and white supremacy a psychological attitude, instead of a structural position of dominance reinforced through institutions, civilian and police violence, access to resources, and the economy. At the same time a critique of “white privilege” has become a kind of blanket, reflexive condemnation of any variety of confrontational, disruptive protest while bringing the focus back to reforming the behavior and beliefs of individuals. We contend that privilege politics is ultimately rooted in an idealist theory of power which maintains that the psychological attitudes of individuals are the root cause of oppression and exploitation, and that vague programs of consciousness-raising will somehow transform oppressive structures. Anti-Oppression Activism, the Politics of Safety, and State Co-optation (via rs620)

Professor Neferti Tadiar on Palestine

Arab Talk Host Jess Ghannam interviews Professor Neferti Tadiar on her recent trip to Palestine as part of the USACBI delegation. Neferti X. M. Tadiar is Professor and Chair of Women’s, Gender and Sexuality Studies at Barnard College. She is the author of Things Fall Away: Philippine Historical Experience and the Makings of Globalization (2009) and Fantasy-Production: Sexual Economies and Other Philippine Consequences for the New World Order (2004). Her work has mainly focused on contemporary Philippine culture in the context of national and global political and economic transformations, addressing questions of gender, race and sexuality in the practices of nationalism, globalization and radical social movements. Her recent publications and current book-project, entitled Remaindered Life: Becoming Human in a Time of War, deals with race and global empire from the perspective of disposable life.

lostinurbanism:

The Dressmaker, Romare Bearden (1983)

lostinurbanism:

The Dressmaker, Romare Bearden (1983)

It should be noted how peculiar it is that the Western democracies should feel such indignation about a theory claiming that society can be transformed by the forceful seizure of political power. The idea of political revolution by force is not at all a Marxist idea; it has been the idea of bourgeois society during the last three hundred years. Western democracy is the daughter of the great English, French and American revolutions; the Russian revolution of February, 1917, and the German revolution of 1918 were warmly greeted by the West, despite the fact that they used force. It is clear that indignation against the use of force, as it exists in the Western world today, depends on who uses force, and against whom. Every war is based on force; even democratic government is based on the principle of force, which permits the majority to use force against a minority, if it is necessary for the continuation of the status quo. Indignation against force is authentic only from a pacifist standpoint, which holds that force is either absolutely wrong, or that aside from the case of the most immediate defense its use never leads to a change for the better. Erich Fromm, Marx’s Concept of Man (via foucault-the-haters)
When activists claim that poor black and brown communities must not defend themselves against racist attacks or confront the state, including using illegal or “violent” means, they typically advocate instead the performance of an image of legitimate victimhood for white middle class consumption. The activities of marginalized groups are barely recognized unless they perform the role of peaceful and quaint ethnics who by nature cannot confront power on their own. Contemporary anti-oppression politics constantly reproduces stereotypes about the passivity and powerlessness of these populations, when in fact it is precisely people from these groups — poor women of color defending their right to land and housing, trans street workers fighting back against murder and violence, black, brown, and Asian American militant struggles against white supremacist attacks — who have waged the most powerful and successfully militant uprisings in American history. We refuse a politics which infantilizes us and people who look like us, and which continually paints nonwhite and/or nonmale demographics as helpless, vulnerable, and incapable of fighting for our own liberation. When activists argue that power “belongs in the hands of the most oppressed,” it is clear that their primary audience for these appeals can only be liberal white activists, and that they understand power as something which is granted or bestowed by the powerful. Appeals to white benevolence to let people of color “lead political struggles” assumes that white activists can somehow relinquish their privilege and legitimacy to oppressed communities and that these communities cannot act and take power for themselves. Anti-Oppression Activism, the Politics of Safety, and State Co-optation (via rs620)
I must remind you that starving a child is violence. Suppressing a culture is violence. Neglecting school children is violence. Punishing a mother and her family is violence. Discrimination against a working man is violence. Ghetto housing is violence. Ignoring medical need is violence. Contempt for poverty is violence. Coretta Scott King (via samirathejerk)
nomadamsterdam:

Somali man in 1890’s.

nomadamsterdam:

Somali man in 1890’s.