Friday, September 19, 2014
Elsewhere I have argued that the Black is a sentient being though not a Human being. The Black’s and the Human’s disparate relationship to violence is at the heart of this failure of incorporation and analogy. The Human suffers contingent violence, violence that kicks in when s/he resists (or is perceived to resist) the disciplinary discourse of capital and/or Oedipus. But Black peoples’ subsumption by violence is a paradigmatic necessity, not just a performative contingency. To be constituted by and disciplined by violence, to be gripped simultaneously by subjective and objective vertigo, is indicative of a political ontology which is radically different from the political ontology of a sentient being who is constituted by discourse and disciplined by violence when s/he breaks with the ruling discursive codes. When we begin to assess revolutionary armed struggle in this comparative context, we find that Human revolutionaries (workers, women, gays and lesbians, post-colonial subjects) suffer subjective vertigo when they meet the state’s disciplinary violence with the revolutionary violence of the subaltern; but they are spared objective vertigo. This is because the most disorienting aspects of their lives are induced by the struggles that arise from intra-Human conflicts over competing conceptual frameworks and disputed cognitive maps, such as the American Indian Movement’s demand for the return of Turtle Island vs. the U.S.’s desire to maintain territorial integrity, or the Fuerzas Armadas de Liberación Nacional’s (FALN) demand for Puerto Rican independence vs. the U.S.’s desire to maintain Puerto Rico as a territory. But for the Black, as for the slave, there are no cognitive maps, no conceptual frameworks of suffering and dispossession which are analogic with the myriad maps and frameworks which explain the dispossession of Human subalterns.

-Frank B Wilderson III

http://occupywallstreet.net/story/incomprehensible-black-anarchist-position

(via experiencingthegirlfriend)

Thursday, September 18, 2014
rafi-dangelo:

Most of my future children tag is cute brown children being fabulous and clearly belonging to me in spirit, but I’m making an exception for this tweet because if I don’t raise my kids to give that exact same response, then I have failed as a parent.
Who is this woman and can I send her a thank-you gift basket and a Black Parenting Award?  This is why it is imperative that we teach our children real history outside of textbooks constructed by, written for, and approved by white men whose re-telling of history conveniently glosses over atrocities and minimizes suffering.
"bold new idea"
I want to go to that school and set fire to every history book in the building.

rafi-dangelo:

Most of my future children tag is cute brown children being fabulous and clearly belonging to me in spirit, but I’m making an exception for this tweet because if I don’t raise my kids to give that exact same response, then I have failed as a parent.

Who is this woman and can I send her a thank-you gift basket and a Black Parenting Award?  This is why it is imperative that we teach our children real history outside of textbooks constructed by, written for, and approved by white men whose re-telling of history conveniently glosses over atrocities and minimizes suffering.

"bold new idea"

I want to go to that school and set fire to every history book in the building.

(Source: fatleopard)

The “uncut bond” of black exploitation and trauma under white supremacy meant a folding of black female trauma into the black male frame, from which it receded from common view, typically emerging as spectacle only and not as spectrum. Thus common perceptions of black suffering became embodied in and represented by male trauma—emanating from the lash, shackle, the brand, convict lease, lynch mob, death row, mass imprisonment, and “stop-n-frisk.” With the norm and apex of black suffering centered on violence in the public realm and the public spaces of the private realm (cloistered plantations and prisons), racial rape became subsumed under racial capital.

The official chronology of and narratives about violence and terror that constitute U.S. democracy’s borders—chattel slavery, the convict prison lease system, Jim Crow segregation, mass incarceration, “stop-n-frisk”— crowd out the black matrix, displacing it from philosophical inquiries into subjugation. The interiority of this trauma zone has paltry public record and memory. Racial rape, the dominant threat, appears in black women’s writings, memoirs, fiction, and art, but in these forms may be categorized as emotive performance, mere illustrations for rather than inherently forms of critical philosophy.
Joy James, “Afrarealism and the Black Matrix: Maroon Philosophy at Democracy’s Border.” The Black Scholar, Vol. 43, No. 4; p. 126 (via so-treu)
moderndaykathleencleaver:

Cesar Chavez and Bobby Seale meet students from Malcolm X Elementary, 1972.

moderndaykathleencleaver:

Cesar Chavez and Bobby Seale meet students from Malcolm X Elementary, 1972.

(Source: specialnights)

A form of maroon philosophy (all black philosophy is not radicalized as maroon philosophy), Afrarealist political theory treks beyond conventional militarized borders to survey democracy’s violence toward the black matrix and black reproductivity. The violent exploitation of black productivity in agricultural, industrial, penal, and cultural markets is a historical and structural feature of democracy. These aggressions and violations I have earlier described as “state violence.” Democracy’s aggressions against the black matrix, its terror against black reproductive labor, its sanction of racial rape I describe here as state “intimate violence.” State violence and intimate state violence are two related but distinct phenomena. Violations of black productivity coexist with terror against black reproductivity. Afrarealism witnesses both and calls for greater scrutiny to assaults against black reproductivity, an under-theorized feature of black captivity. Joy James, “Afrarealism and the Black Matrix: Maroon Philosophy at Democracy’s Border.” The Black Scholar, Vol. 43, No. 4; p. 125 (via so-treu)
dynamicafrica:

Beautiful, wow!
yearningforunity:

Foto de negra tirada em Pernambuco
Photo taken in black Pernambuco
1860s
Photo: Alberto Henschel

dynamicafrica:

Beautiful, wow!

yearningforunity:

Foto de negra tirada em Pernambuco

Photo taken in black Pernambuco

1860s

Photo: Alberto Henschel

Black philosophy’s savant is an Afrarealism that explores its contributions and contradictions. Through black radical, feminist-womanist, queer theories, Afrarealism confronts theoretical limitations and political practices in conceptualizing freedom. It has been operative in the “New World” for half a millennium. It is as old as black theory and philosophy’s hunger for liberty. Although Afrarealism often seems relegated to the underground of resistance and to the shadows of formal concepts, its resilience allows for continuous agency.

Joy James, “Afrarealism and the Black Matrix: Maroon Philosophy at Democracy’s Border.” The Black Scholar, Vol. 43, No. 4; p. 124

(via so-treu)

itsmyvirginlife:

Barbara Christian in Marlon Riggs’ 1986 release Ethnic Notions, a documentary detailing the images and caricatures of blacks in American culture.

Women have believed that we could save the men in our lives by giving them love, that this love would serve as the cure for all the wounds inflicted by toxic assaults on their emotional systems, by the emotional heart attacks they undergo every day. Women can share in this healing process. We can guide, instruct, observe, share information and skills, but we cannot do for boys and men what they must do for themselves. Our love helps, but it alone does not save boys or men. Ultimately boys and men save themselves when they learn the art of loving. bell hooks, The Will to Change: Men, Masculinity, and Love (2004)

(Source: books-and-barricades)